The claim that northern Catholics were “thrown at the wolves” that O`Higgins considered “rhetorical bombs” was echoed throughout the nationalist North, particularly in the newspapers of the border regions. From the depth of their despair, the Catholics of the North began to reassess the path that led them to this situation, most of them, especially in the border areas, and revisited the de Valera, previously despised, and his soon-to-be-educated Fianna Féil. Others, such as Cahir Healy, MP for South Fermanagh and Un Sinn Féiner before 1916, have come up with a more fundamental revision of the tradition to which he belonged and of the tradition that had replaced it. “John Redmond,” he recalls bluntly, “was kicked out of office to accept the score for five years. Our current leaders have accepted it forever. De Valera, the main beneficiary of the Northern alienation, affirmed its 1937 Constitution by affirming the “national territory,” revoked the recognition of the partition contained in the 1925 agreement, a claim he did not repeat until May 1957 in response to a question from Dil during his last term in Taoiseach. But in 1958 he rushed to the prospect of bringing the matter before an international tribunal and remarked to his supporters: “You know what these courts are like.” His reasoning in that regard may have been very good. The leak of the press threatened a political crisis in the free state which, fearing, would overthrow the cosgrave government: a cornerstone of its policy of implementing the 1921 Treaty had disappeared. In London and Chequers, urgent meetings were held between the Governments of Ireland, Northern Ireland and the United States to avert a catastrophe. An agreement signed on 3 December 1925 in London by representatives of the three governments terminated the border commission and froze its report. The political crisis for the free state never took place and the Cosgrave government remained in power. The border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland has remained the same since the 1920 division.

Dublin received a kind of sweetener: the December 1925 agreement granted a significant share of the public debt and war pensions earned to Britain under Article 5 of the 1921 Treaty. The North-South Council of Ireland has also been tacitly frozen to be replaced by regular meetings of Prime Ministers. However, the first meeting of the two Prime Ministers in Ireland did not take place until January 1965. The 1925 Irish Border Commission report was not published until January 1968. In the debates on the result of December 7, 1925, Cosgrave stated that the amount owed under the imperial debt had not yet been fixed, but that it was estimated at between $5 million and $19 million per year, with the United Kingdom having a debt of more than $7 billion. At that time, the free state`s annual budget was about $25 million. Cosgrave`s goal was to eliminate that amount: “I only had one character in mind, and it was a huge zero. That`s the number I tried to get, and I got it. [65] Cosgrave also hoped that Northern Ireland`s large nationalist minority would be a bridge between Belfast and Dublin.